Lexicographer review — Page 18 of 37 S2

Because these freshmen placed far more emphasis on their partisan role -- spreading the Reagan revolution -- in national policy making , they were more vulnerable to defeat .

Fourth , the theory indicates why the Republican Party may have a difficult time attracting viable candidates for congressional office .

Potential candidates may be discouraged from running less by the congressional salary than by the prospect of defeat at the hands of a Democratic opponent .

To the extent that potential Republican candidates and their financial backers realize that the congressional prisoner 's dilemma game works to their disadvantage , the Republican Party will be hindered in its attempts to field a competitive slate of congressional candidates .

Fifth , the theory may provide at least a partial reason for why ticket splitting has been particularly pronounced in the South .

Since local benefit - seeking matters more and national policy making matters less in the lower chamber of Congress , this is precisely the pattern one would expect if Republicans are less willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Democratic counterparts .

Is there any empirical support for this theory ?

Three pieces of evidence corroborate the key assumption that Democratic legislators are more willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Republican colleagues .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Since local benefit - seeking matters more and national policy making matters less in the lower chamber of Congress , this is precisely the pattern one would expect if Republicans are less willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Democratic counterparts .

Is there any empirical support for this theory ?

Three pieces of evidence corroborate the key assumption that Democratic legislators are more willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Republican colleagues .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Since local benefit - seeking matters more and national policy making matters less in the lower chamber of Congress , this is precisely the pattern one would expect if Republicans are less willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Democratic counterparts .

Is there any empirical support for this theory ?

Three pieces of evidence corroborate the key assumption that Democratic legislators are more willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Republican colleagues .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Three pieces of evidence corroborate the key assumption that Democratic legislators are more willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Republican colleagues .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

Three pieces of evidence corroborate the key assumption that Democratic legislators are more willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Republican colleagues .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

Three pieces of evidence corroborate the key assumption that Democratic legislators are more willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Republican colleagues .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

Three pieces of evidence corroborate the key assumption that Democratic legislators are more willing to engage in local benefit - seeking than their Republican colleagues .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

The Democratic House attendance rate has not exceeded the Republican House attendance rate since 1959 .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

The Democratic House attendance rate has not exceeded the Republican House attendance rate since 1959 .