Lexicographer review — Page 19 of 37 S2

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

The Democratic House attendance rate has not exceeded the Republican House attendance rate since 1959 .

Finally , as shown in the table , Democrats allocate a higher proportion of their personal staffs to district offices -- where local benefit - seeking duties matter more and national policy making activities matter less relative to Washington offices .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

The Democratic House attendance rate has not exceeded the Republican House attendance rate since 1959 .

Finally , as shown in the table , Democrats allocate a higher proportion of their personal staffs to district offices -- where local benefit - seeking duties matter more and national policy making activities matter less relative to Washington offices .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

The Democratic House attendance rate has not exceeded the Republican House attendance rate since 1959 .

Finally , as shown in the table , Democrats allocate a higher proportion of their personal staffs to district offices -- where local benefit - seeking duties matter more and national policy making activities matter less relative to Washington offices .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

The Democratic House attendance rate has not exceeded the Republican House attendance rate since 1959 .

Finally , as shown in the table , Democrats allocate a higher proportion of their personal staffs to district offices -- where local benefit - seeking duties matter more and national policy making activities matter less relative to Washington offices .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

An additional piece of evidence from the Senate : Holding other factors constant , such as incumbency advantages and regional factors , the difference between popular votes for Republican presidential and senatorial candidates in states conducting a Senate election turns out to be a positive function of how onerous the federal government 's tax burden is per state -LRB- a progressive tax rate hits higher - income states harder -RRB- .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

An additional piece of evidence from the Senate : Holding other factors constant , such as incumbency advantages and regional factors , the difference between popular votes for Republican presidential and senatorial candidates in states conducting a Senate election turns out to be a positive function of how onerous the federal government 's tax burden is per state -LRB- a progressive tax rate hits higher - income states harder -RRB- .

Put more simply , GOP candidates for president are looked on more kindly by voters than Republican candidates for the Senate when the prisoner 's sentence is more severe .

Moreover , ticket splitting appears to take the same peculiar pattern at the state government level as it does at the federal level .

State government is more typically split along Republican-governor / Democratic-legislature lines than the reverse .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

An additional piece of evidence from the Senate : Holding other factors constant , such as incumbency advantages and regional factors , the difference between popular votes for Republican presidential and senatorial candidates in states conducting a Senate election turns out to be a positive function of how onerous the federal government 's tax burden is per state -LRB- a progressive tax rate hits higher - income states harder -RRB- .

Put more simply , GOP candidates for president are looked on more kindly by voters than Republican candidates for the Senate when the prisoner 's sentence is more severe .

Moreover , ticket splitting appears to take the same peculiar pattern at the state government level as it does at the federal level .

State government is more typically split along Republican-governor / Democratic-legislature lines than the reverse .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

An additional piece of evidence from the Senate : Holding other factors constant , such as incumbency advantages and regional factors , the difference between popular votes for Republican presidential and senatorial candidates in states conducting a Senate election turns out to be a positive function of how onerous the federal government 's tax burden is per state -LRB- a progressive tax rate hits higher - income states harder -RRB- .

Put more simply , GOP candidates for president are looked on more kindly by voters than Republican candidates for the Senate when the prisoner 's sentence is more severe .

Moreover , ticket splitting appears to take the same peculiar pattern at the state government level as it does at the federal level .

State government is more typically split along Republican-governor / Democratic-legislature lines than the reverse .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

An additional piece of evidence from the Senate : Holding other factors constant , such as incumbency advantages and regional factors , the difference between popular votes for Republican presidential and senatorial candidates in states conducting a Senate election turns out to be a positive function of how onerous the federal government 's tax burden is per state -LRB- a progressive tax rate hits higher - income states harder -RRB- .

Put more simply , GOP candidates for president are looked on more kindly by voters than Republican candidates for the Senate when the prisoner 's sentence is more severe .

Moreover , ticket splitting appears to take the same peculiar pattern at the state government level as it does at the federal level .

State government is more typically split along Republican-governor / Democratic-legislature lines than the reverse .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

An additional piece of evidence from the Senate : Holding other factors constant , such as incumbency advantages and regional factors , the difference between popular votes for Republican presidential and senatorial candidates in states conducting a Senate election turns out to be a positive function of how onerous the federal government 's tax burden is per state -LRB- a progressive tax rate hits higher - income states harder -RRB- .

Put more simply , GOP candidates for president are looked on more kindly by voters than Republican candidates for the Senate when the prisoner 's sentence is more severe .

Moreover , ticket splitting appears to take the same peculiar pattern at the state government level as it does at the federal level .

State government is more typically split along Republican-governor / Democratic-legislature lines than the reverse .

An additional piece of evidence from the Senate : Holding other factors constant , such as incumbency advantages and regional factors , the difference between popular votes for Republican presidential and senatorial candidates in states conducting a Senate election turns out to be a positive function of how onerous the federal government 's tax burden is per state -LRB- a progressive tax rate hits higher - income states harder -RRB- .

Put more simply , GOP candidates for president are looked on more kindly by voters than Republican candidates for the Senate when the prisoner 's sentence is more severe .

Moreover , ticket splitting appears to take the same peculiar pattern at the state government level as it does at the federal level .

State government is more typically split along Republican-governor / Democratic-legislature lines than the reverse .

A cross-state econometric investigation , furthermore , reveals that , holding other factors constant , the difference between a state 's major - party vote going to the Republican gubernatorial candidate and the Republican share of the lower state house is a positive function of the state tax rate .