Lexicographer review — Page 5 of 37 S1

Third , the theory suggests why legislators who pay too much attention to national policy making relative to local benefit-seeking have lower security in office .

For example , first-term - term members of the House , once the most vulnerable of incumbents , have become virtually immune to defeat .

The one exception to this recent trend was the defeat of 13 of the 52 freshman Republicans brought into office in 1980 by the Reagan revolution and running for re-election in 1982 .

Because these freshmen placed far more emphasis on their partisan role -- spreading the Reagan revolution -- in national policy making , they were more vulnerable to defeat .

Fourth , the theory indicates why the Republican Party may have a difficult time attracting viable candidates for congressional office .

For example , first-term - term members of the House , once the most vulnerable of incumbents , have become virtually immune to defeat .

The one exception to this recent trend was the defeat of 13 of the 52 freshman Republicans brought into office in 1980 by the Reagan revolution and running for re-election in 1982 .

Because these freshmen placed far more emphasis on their partisan role -- spreading the Reagan revolution -- in national policy making , they were more vulnerable to defeat .

Fourth , the theory indicates why the Republican Party may have a difficult time attracting viable candidates for congressional office .

Potential candidates may be discouraged from running less by the congressional salary than by the prospect of defeat at the hands of a Democratic opponent .

First , economists James Bennett and Thomas DiLorenzo find that GOP senators turn back roughly 10 % more of their allocated personal staff budgets than Democrats do .

To the extent that the primary duty of personal staff involves local benefit - seeking , this indicates that political philosophy leads congressional Republicans to pay less attention to narrow constituent concerns .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

The Democratic House attendance rate has not exceeded the Republican House attendance rate since 1959 .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

The Democratic House attendance rate has not exceeded the Republican House attendance rate since 1959 .

Finally , as shown in the table , Democrats allocate a higher proportion of their personal staffs to district offices -- where local benefit - seeking duties matter more and national policy making activities matter less relative to Washington offices .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

Second , if the key assumption is valid , Democrats should have lower attendance rates on roll-call votes than Republicans do to the extent that such votes reflect national policy making and that participating in such votes takes away from the time a legislator could otherwise devote to local benefit - seeking .

This is indeed what the data indicate , particularly in the case of the House .

The Democratic House attendance rate has not exceeded the Republican House attendance rate since 1959 .

Finally , as shown in the table , Democrats allocate a higher proportion of their personal staffs to district offices -- where local benefit - seeking duties matter more and national policy making activities matter less relative to Washington offices .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

An examination of changes in personal staffing decisions in the Senate between 1986 and 1987 -LRB- when control of that body changed party hands -RRB- , moreover , reveals that the personal staffing differences noted in the table can not be attributed to the disproportionate control Democrats exercise , due to their majority - party status , over other resources such as committee staff .

An additional piece of evidence from the Senate : Holding other factors constant , such as incumbency advantages and regional factors , the difference between popular votes for Republican presidential and senatorial candidates in states conducting a Senate election turns out to be a positive function of how onerous the federal government 's tax burden is per state -LRB- a progressive tax rate hits higher - income states harder -RRB- .

Put more simply , GOP candidates for president are looked on more kindly by voters than Republican candidates for the Senate when the prisoner 's sentence is more severe .

Moreover , ticket splitting appears to take the same peculiar pattern at the state government level as it does at the federal level .

State government is more typically split along Republican-governor / Democratic-legislature lines than the reverse .

Then the auto paint shop fire sent an evil-looking cloud of black smoke into the air .

12:07 a.m .

ONEZIE :

My younger daughter and I are fine .

This building shook like hell and it kept getting stronger .

I 'm just numb .

3:25 a.m .

MACPOST :

Downtown Bolinas seems to be the part of town that 's worst off .

No power , minimal phones , and a mess of mayonnaise , wine , and everything else all over the floors of the big old general store and the People 's Co-op .

No power , minimal phones , and a mess of mayonnaise , wine , and everything else all over the floors of the big old general store and the People 's Co-op .

The quivers move through my house every few minutes at unpredictable intervals , and the mouse that 's been living in my kitchen has taken refuge under my desk .

It runs out frantically now and then , and is clearly pretty distressed .

I was in Stinson Beach when the quake rolled through town .

At first , we were unfazed .

No power , minimal phones , and a mess of mayonnaise , wine , and everything else all over the floors of the big old general store and the People 's Co-op .

The quivers move through my house every few minutes at unpredictable intervals , and the mouse that 's been living in my kitchen has taken refuge under my desk .

It runs out frantically now and then , and is clearly pretty distressed .

I was in Stinson Beach when the quake rolled through town .

At first , we were unfazed .